Three author discuss their books on Gerry Mulligan
Alyn Shipton, Ken Poston and Steve Cerra -- authors, editors and publishers with recent books concerning the late, great baritone saxophonist/composer/arranger Gerry Mulligan -- speak with Rick Mitchell, JJA board member and radio program host, about their works on the complicated, compelling musician.
"Mulligan's brainy but playful artistry gets the attention it deserves in this valuable study by Alyn Shipton. His writing teems with clear, meticulous scholarship, musical understanding, and a desire to make his subject appealing and accessible to everyone from casual jazz lovers to musicians."
—James Gavin, award-winning music journalist and author of Deep in a Dream: The Long Night of Chet Baker
“I often get asked by interviewers what it was like to play in the quartet with you [Gerry Mulligan], and the answer has not changed in the last 42 years. ‘It felt like playing with Bach.’ And indeed it did.”
- Bob Brookmeyer, valve trombone, composer-arranger, bandleader
Alyn Shipton is a writer, publisher, broadcaster, and jazz musician. He has hosted music programs on BBC Radio 3 in the UK since 1989. His previous books include the award-winning Groovin' High: The Life of Dizzy Gillespie (1999) and Nilsson: The Life of a Singer Songwriter (2013). He is currently lecturer in jazz history and research fellow at the Royal Academy of Music. My favorite is his Hi-De-Ho: The Life of Cab Calloway [2010], but Alyn’s many writings are all important contributions to the Jazz Literature.
Available in both hardcover and paperback editions, the context for Alyn Shipton’s splendid The Gerry Mulligan 1950s Quartets [New York: Oxford University Press, 2023] is stated in the Series Preface by its editor, Jeremy Barham of the University of Surrey:
“The Oxford Studies in Recorded Jazz series offers detailed historical, cultural, and technical analysis of jazz recordings across a broad spectrum of styles, periods, performing media, and nationalities. Each volume, authored by a leading scholar in the field, addresses either a single jazz album or a set of related recordings by one artist/group, placing the recordings fully in their historical and musical context, and thereby enriching our understanding of their cultural and creative significance. With access to the latest scholarship and with an innovative and balanced approach to its subject matter, the series offers fresh perspectives on both well-known and neglected jazz repertoire. It sets out to renew musical debate in jazz scholarship, and to develop the subtle critical languages and vocabularies necessary to do full justice to the complex expressive, structural, and cultural dimensions of recorded jazz performance.”
The Gerry Mulligan 1950s Quartets joins and expands the [hopefully] ever growing works about Gerry Mulligan [1927-1996], one of the grandmasters of Jazz in the second half of the the 20th century which now includes the following book length treatments:
Raymond Horricks, Gerry Mulligan's Ark (London, Apollo, 1986); Jerome Klinkowitz, Listen: Gerry Mulligan—An Aural Narrative in Jazz (New York, Schirmer, 1991); Sanford Josephson, Jeru’s Journey (Milwaukee, Hal Leonard, 2015). Gerry Mulligan with Ken Poston, Being Gerry Mulligan: My Life in Music (Lanham, MD, Backbeat, 2023).
The Gerry Mulligan 1950s Quartets is divided into five chapters:
1 Antecedents
3 The First Quartet
3 The Second Quartet
4 The Quartet with Art Farmer
5 The Aftermath and Legacy
Some of the factors that makes Alyn’s work distinctive are stated in these excerpts from his Preface [paragraphing modified]:
“In 2002 I was commissioned to make a four-part series for BBC Radio 3 that explored Mulligan's music, and this gave me the opportunity to meet with fellow musicians and associates from all periods of his career. I was particularly grateful for the participation of his widow Franca Mulligan, who opened doors for me in the Mulligan world, and also consented to be interviewed herself. Fortunately, as we worked on the programs, my producer Felix Carey (and his colleague from the BBC World Service, Oliver Jones) gave me time to have extended conversations with most of those interviewees, going way beyond what we needed for the broadcasts. Some of the material in this book was included in the series, but many of the interview segments appear here for the first time.
My fellow critic and broadcaster Charles Fox (who died in 1991) knew of my interest in Mulligan and kindly gave me a transcript of a long conversation he had with him at the time of his visit to Scotland in 1988. This has been an invaluable guide through the music, and also ensures that his voice is represented here along with those of his colleagues.
Gordon Jack was fortunate enough to talk to Mulligan, and to several of the members of the 1950s quartet. On a number of subjects, his interviews dovetail with mine. ….
Although he is also mentioned in the acknowledgments, I would especially like to single out bassist Bill Crow for his help, not only in interviews, on both sides of the Atlantic, but in being a willing and informative correspondent on many matters of detail, as well as kindly providing pictures from his collection.”
Because he is a bassist and has a background in theory and harmony - in other words, a musician himself - Alyn adds something that is often lacking in other treatments about Mulligan: a musical analysis of how Gerry’s music works and what generates its uniqueness, in this case, within the context of the various quartets that he formed between 1952-62.
For example, he provides this explanation of Walkin’ Shoes, one of the tunes with an enduring relationship to Gerry’s music in a variety of settings, both big and small [the actual score is printed on the preceding page]:
Although the piece has a simple AABA structure, the melodic line plays with time, notably the eighth-note displacement of the first beat of measure 2 in Example 2.8, which contrasts with the downbeat on the drums; the anticipation of the long-held trumpet F sharp in the sixth measure; and the three groups of eighth notes in measures 7 and 8. The mixture of delay and anticipation is a potent one, and the melody is easily memorable. What is also notable here is that on the first eight measures and the repeat, the trumpet and baritone play a harmonic sequence that is sometimes at odds with the logic of the walking bass line. This is particularly notable in measure 2, where the B flat played by the horns and the A natural in the downward B to A movement of the bass would be expected to sound dissonant, when the major and minor sevenths of the C chord coincide. But Mulligan's strong melodic lines and his skill as writer and arranger overshadow the rules of harmony. This would not work so well outside the context of a "pianoless" group in which the full harmony is implied, rather than explicitly stated. From measure 4, the bass more closely underpins the harmonies of the head, and the chords played by the horns are shown in Example 2.8. It is also notable that these are simplified for the following solos, so that the blowing sequence is:
| G | C7 | G | Bm7 /E7 |Am7 | D7 | G | Am7 / D7 |
| G | C7 | G | Bm7/ E7 | Am7 | D7 | G | G |
| F#m7 | B7 | Em7 | Em7 | A7 | A7 | D7 | D7 |
| G | C7 | G | Bm7 / E7 | Am7 | D7 |G | Am7 / D7 |
Obviously, this might fall into the category of “too much information” for the general reader, but Alyn presents his explanations of the inner workings of Mulligan’s music in such a way that it doesn’t interrupt the flow of his overall narrative. It’s unobtrusively there for the taking if the reader has the background to work with the information.
Also of importance is the fact that Alyn writes well; he doesn’t make the telling of the story complicated or convoluted. The style is simple and straightforward and helps the reader easily grasp the points that he’s trying to bring across.
Another helpful feature of the book is its robust discography which allows the reader to pair recordings with the narrative to better follow Alyn’s examples and annotations.
In this regard, just when as a long-standing an avid fan of Gerry’s music (which I first discovered in 1958 while Gerry was still in his active quartet phase) I thought I was familiar with the entire Quartet discography, along comes the closing pages of Alyn’s work which reveals one which I had entirely missed.
This is the Gerry Mulligan Quartet Zurich 1962 [TCB 02092] issued as part of the label’s “Swiss Radio Days Jazz Series [Volume 9].” The recording was made with the quartet in performance at Kongresshaus, Zurich, Switzerland on October 18, 1962 and, judging by the taped reaction of the audience, the fans in attendance couldn’t have been more adoring.
Perhaps its because valve trombonist Bob Brookmeyer and Gerry has been working together for a decade, or maybe it was due to the locked-in rhythm section of Bill Crow on bass and Gus Johnson on drums [a relative newcomer to the group] or it may have been caused by the electric atmosphere generated by the enthusiastic audience - whatever the reason - I don’t recall ever hearing Mulligan playing baritone saxophone so aggressively.
As pianist Brubeck noted during their 5 years association from 1968 -1972, when Gerry got excited he had a tendency to cut into Dave’s solos; his enthusiasm for what was happening in the music was unrestrained to the point that it became the musical equivalent of finishing another person’s sentence.
To my ears, Gerry’s pushy exuberance is particularly noticeable on the last track Blueport which was composed by trumpeter Art Farmer, who began working with the quartet in 1958 and intermittently thereafter.
Here are Alan’s comments about the track and the band on this recording:
"The set closer is a very speedy rendition of "Blueport" that stands as perhaps the finest example of this particular quartet, not least because of Johnson's uninhibited drumming. Every member of the band solos with dazzling accomplishment, and the rapport between Mulligan and Brookmeyer is so close and telepathic that they barely sound like the same musicians as on their Parisian Salle Pleyel recordings from eight years before. This flamboyant recording could not be a greater contrast to the comparative restraint of the 1952-1953 Chet Baker edition of the quartet, with the whole band here playing with extrovert flair, and displaying no notion whatsoever of "West Coast cool." It is, as Jimmy Woode commented [in the insert notes to the TCB CD], "a don't-hold-me-back blues," propelled by "one of the most heralded straight ahead swingers of all time" on drums.”"
For those of us who lived through the evolution of some of the Gerry Mulligan Quartets, it’s easy to take for granted the incredible variety of music that Jeru managed to create in this rather limited format, by the manner in which he approached the way the musicians interacted with the music, the original compositions he wrote for them and the new take on standards that he created through his arrangements and, of course, by the new voices he brought to the group via changes in personnel.
Gerry’s genius was that he created these quartets in the first place while making its music sound so natural and so effortless.
With this book, Alyn’s gift is to remind us of that genius and how and why Gerry Mulligan’s Quartets both reflect it and, at the same time, pave the way for thirty more years or so of Jeru’s artistic brilliance.
"The book places Gerry Mulligan's 1950s pianoless quartet in its historical and musical context by a detailed discussion of its recordings. Mulligan's early arrangements from his teens are explored, for bandleaders Elliot Lawrence and Gene Krupa, before he joins Miles Davis's 'Birth of the Cool' nonet. Moving to the West Coast he arranges for Stan Kenton, and then forms his pianoless quartet at the Haig Club in L.A. with trumpeter Chet Baker and they experience commercial success, helping to found the Pacific Jazz label, before Mulligan is imprisoned for Heroin offences. The group's records create a template for his subsequent small group work during the rest of the decade and its harmonic innovation is explored. Mulligan's re-working of his compositions for bands of ten and six pieces is also examined, as is his first tour to Europe. His tempestuous relationship with valve-trombonist Bob Brookmeyer is discussed, as is his marriage to Arlene Mulligan who became his manager. The later quartets with Jon Eardley and Art Farmer are covered, as well as a successful couple of reunions with Brookmeyer, the final one in the context of the Mulligan Concert Jazz Band at the dawn of the 1960s"--
- goodreads.com
Gordon Jack is a frequent contributor to the Jazz Journaland a very generous friend in allowingJazzProfilesto re-publish his perceptive and well-researched writings on various topics about Jazz and its makers.
Gordon is the author of Fifties Jazz Talk An Oral Retrospectiveand he also developed the Gerry Mulligan discography in Raymond Horricks’ bookGerry Mulligan’s Ark.
The following article was published in the February 20, 2023 edition of Jazz Journal.
“With forensic attention to detail Alyn Shipton reveals fresh and original material about a group that created a totally new ensemble sound. Famously pianoless the quartet was dominated by Gerry Mulligan’s baritone saxophone not only as a soloist but also as an accompanying voice. In his Preface, the author makes it clear to being “fascinated by Mulligan’s playing, writing and band-leading” since his schooldays. The research he undertook in 2002 for a four-part series on Mulligan’s music for BBC Radio 3 allowed him to meet many “musicians and associates from all periods of his career”. His “comprehensive sweep through newspaper and magazine reports” uncovers much that is new in the quartet’s evolution.
Mulligan was born in Queens Village, Long Island, on 6 April, 1927 and the family lived a peripatetic life with homes in Ohio, New Jersey, Illinois and Michigan. Along the way he studied the clarinet and the saxophone with Sam Correnti and he also had some piano lessons. He began writing music when the family finally settled in Philadelphia and his professional career began in 1943 when Johnny Warrington accepted some of his charts. He was then taken on as a staff-arranger and occasional side-man for Tommy Tucker. He joined Elliot Lawrence’s band which was a “significant formative experience”. Lawrence used a French horn and tuba which was a prelude to the harmonic palette Mulligan enjoyed with Claude Thornhill and the Miles Davis nonet.
In 1946 he joined Gene Krupa occasionally playing alto in the section. A year later he contributed one of the band’s biggest hits – Disc Jockey Jump. 1947 was the year he met Gil Evans who recommended him to Claude Thornhill as another member of the writing team. Discussions took place in Evans’ apartment that led to the ground-breaking Miles Davis Birth Of TheCool recordings in the late forties. The author points out that around this time he was “introduced to heroin...by some of his New York colleagues”. A friendship with Bob Weinstock led to Mulligan’s first recording as a leader in 1951 for the Prestige label. Prior to the date he had to rehearse the band in Central Park due to lack of funds. Later that year along with his girl-friend Gale Madden he hitchhiked across America, arriving in Los Angeles early in 1952. Their odyssey has become part of jazz folklore.
Mulligan started contributing scores to Stan Kenton while working at the Haig nightclub. After recruiting Chet Baker, Bob Whitlock and Chico Hamilton he recorded Bernie’s Tune and Lullaby Of The Leaves which put the Pacific Jazz label on the map. The quartet “rapidly became a West Coast sensation (then) a national one during the first months of 1953”. In February that year the group was the subject of a Time magazine article titled “Counterpoint Jazz”. Three months later Mulligan married Arlyne Brown who was the daughter of songwriter Lew Brown and she soon took over as his manager until 1957. Shipton acknowledges her importance in contrast to Sanford Josephson’s disappointing Jeru’s Journeywhich dismisses her in a few brief sentences. By early September the first edition of Mulligan’s quartet came to a sudden halt. Having been convicted of heroin possession the leader spent the rest of 1953 in a low-security prison.
On his release he reformed with Bob Brookmeyer, Bill Anthony (soon to be replaced by Red Mitchell) and Frank Isola. Henri Renaud was so impressed when he heard them at the Blue Note in Philadelphia that he arranged for the quartet to appear at the Paris Jazz Fair in June 1954 for a series of successful concerts recorded by Vogue. On its return to the States the quartet appeared at the first Newport Jazz Festival with Tony Fruscella who had taken over from Brookmeyer. The introverted Fruscella did not last long. He was soon replaced by Jon Eardley who remained with the quartet as it evolved into an “extrovert, hard-blowing” sextet in 1955 with Brookmeyer and Zoot Sims. When the group disbanded Mulligan returned to the quartet format with Brookmeyer “that just like the sextet had honed its sound on the road and had a clear group identity”. In 1957 Mulligan and Arlyne separated and Dave Bailey took over as the band’s manager. The following year he recruited Art Farmer prompting Bailey to tell the author “I think it was the best quartet that Gerry Mulligan ever had”. Their few recordings together confirm this.
Alyn Shipton has much of interest to say about Mulligan’s late fifties recordings with Thelonious Monk, Stan Getz, Johnny Hodges, Ben Webster, Annie Ross and Paul Desmond. He also pays tribute to the Concert Jazz Band which won Downbeat’s award as the “Big Band of the Year” in 1961 - the year it disbanded. Apart from much diligent research TheGerry Mulligan 1950s Quartets benefits from a discography, a bibliography, copious transcriptions and several very rare photographs.
The Gerry Mulligan 1950s Quartets
By Alyn Shipton, published by Oxford University Press.
249pp. ISBN No. 9780197579763 (paperback), ISBN No.9780197579756 (hardcover).
“Duke's replacement at the
Cotton Club, Cab Calloway’s … scat-jive vocals, epitomized in the
"hi-de-ho" call-and-response effects on his hit "Minnie the
Moocher," delighted audiences. Calloway had led the Alabamians in Chicago
and, later, the Missourians in New York, and in 1929 had appeared in the revue
Hot Chocolates, before securing the coveted Cotton Club job. Incorporating a
heavy dose of novelty songs and scat vehicles into a more conventional hot jazz
sound, Calloway achieved a celebrity—and record sales—to rival Ellington's at
the time.”
- Ted Gioia, The History of Jazz [New York: Oxford, 1997,p. 130]
“At his very first session -
in July 1930, with an astonishingly virtuosic vocal on 'St
Louis Blues' – Cab Calloway served notice that a
major jazz singer was ready to challenge Louis Armstrong with an entirely
different style….
The lexicon of reefers,
Minnie the Moocher and Smokey Joe, kicking gongs around and - of course - the
fabulous language of hi-de-ho would soon have become tiresome if it hadn't been
for the leader's boundless energy and ingenious invention: his vast range, from
a convincing bass to a shrieking falsetto, has remained unsurpassed by any male
jazz singer, and he transforms material that isn't so much trite as empty
without the investment of his personality.”
-Richard Cook and Brian Morton, The
Penguin Guide to Jazz on CD, 6th Ed.
“Many jazz historians with a
purist and pro-instrumental bias have ignored or dismissed Calloway and his
orchestra as musically irrelevant. And insofar as others have dealt with the
band at all, they have generally picked their way through its several hundred
recordings, snobbishly culling only the instrumental solos as being worthy of
comment, usually by Chu Berry, Dizzy Gillespie, and one or two others. This is
eminently unfair and historically unjustifiable on several counts.
First of all, Calloway was a
magnificent singer, quite definitely the most unusually and broadly gifted
male singer of the thirties. Second, considering his enormous popularity, and
therefore the temptation to cater to the basest of mass tastes, Calloway's
singing—and even his choice of material (when all is said and don) is of far
higher caliber than any other male vocalist's (with the exception
of Jimmy Rushing and some of
the great blues singers of the period). Moreover Calloway, amazingly, even in
his most extravagant vocal antics, never left the bounds of good taste. It was as
though he had a built-in mechanism that kept him from turning corny.
Third, he was a true jazz
musician and as such surrounded himself with a real jazz orchestra, something
no other band-leading vocalist cared (or managed) to do. In that regard, though
he had every excuse to do otherwise, his performances—especially in clubs and
dances, as opposed to recordings with their absolute time limits—were always
liberally sprinkled with instrumental solos and ensembles, more so the more
popular he became (in this respect a deliberate reversal of the usual trend).
- Gunther Schuller, The Swing Era: The Development of
Jazz, 1930-1945 [New York: Oxford, 1989, pp. 329-330]
Okay, you can
groan if you like, but I worked long and hard to get the title of this piece to
abbreviate to C.A.B.
I wanted it to
reflect the fun and joy that was Cab Calloway’s life and the pleasure I gained
from reading Alyn Shipton’s splendid biography about this too-soon-forgotten
figure in Jazz history.
This opening
paragraph from Alyn Shipton’s Introduction
and Acknowledgements to Hi-De-Ho: The Life of Cab Calloway [New York: Oxford University Press, 2010, also now
available in paperback] provides this overview of Cab’s achievements and his
significance in American contemporary music.
“Clad in white tie
and tails, dancing energetically, waving an oversized baton, and singing
"Minnie the Moocher," Cab Calloway is one of the most iconic figures
in popular music. He was the first great African American vocalist in jazz who
specialized in singing without also doubling on an instrument, and he was also
a conductor and bandleader who assembled a series of remarkably consistent
hard-swinging ensembles. By always striving to hire the best musicians and
arrangers, he took the art of big band playing forward consistently from the
start of the 1930s to the end of the 1940s. The tenor saxophonist ChuBerry made some of his finest records in the Calloway
band, as did trumpeter Jonah Jones, saxophonists Ike Quebec and Eddie
Barefield, and drummer Cozy Cole. At its peak in the late 1930s and early
1940s, Calloway’s was the highest earning African American orchestra and, by
virtue of its biggest hit "Minnie the Moocher," also one of the few
to have broken through to the general public with a million-selling record.
People loved Cab and his antics for what he was, irrespective of color. In
later life, Cab transformed into an elegant and sophisticated star of the
musical theater, but from the 1930s to the 1990s, he never forgot how to
"hi-de-ho," and win over a crowd.”
Alan follows with this next sentence which I’m
sure that many of us can relate to:
“Before I began
work on this book I had only a scant awareness of the full and impressive range
of Calloway's achievements.”
But now, thanks to
Alyn Shipton’s detailed research and great skills as a storyteller, one can
more fully understand and enjoy the fascinating exploits of Cab Calloway, one
of the most creative entertainers in the history of American popular music.
The operative word
here that Mr. Shipton’s work brings home to the reader is – entertainer. For when Cab was at the
height of his career in the 1930’s and 1940’s, people expected to be
entertained by popular music and that’s exactly what they got - and then some -
from experiencing Cab and his orchestra of first-rate musicians.
Hi-De-Ho: The Life of Cab
Calloway begins by
providing a look back at the atmosphere of the times in which Cab’s personality
and interests were formed with a description of the Baltimore and Chicago of
the first quarter of the 20th century.
Almost from the
start, what Ted
Gioia refers
to as Cab’s “eccentric individualism” displayed itself as he grew into a street
smart kid in Baltimore [1907-1927] and a very hip young man in [Chicago
1927-1930] who had a knack for seeing and for being seen.
Aspects of Cab’s
nature are on display in all their glory in the following anecdote as shared by
Cab’s daughter, Camay, in a 2005 interview with Mr. Shipton:
“When he was in
high school he was a show-off. Because he was playing basketball, [and] he was
very handsome, all the girls were around him, and before he left school, he got
a car, because he had all these little jobs. He played the drums, but he also
walked horses, sold newspapers, he was hustling, selling different things around
town, so this meant he had enough money to buy a car. He told me how he parked
it one day right in front of the school, when they were having this big
assembly. As it began, the principal got up and asked if the teacher who had
parked out front would kindly go out and move his car, because it was in a
restricted area. There was silence in the auditorium, then my father stands up
and the whole auditorium erupts, with kids shouting "Go Cab go!" as
he walks his very hip walk up the aisle to go out and move his car.” [p. 12]
Always a great
adapter, Cab’s vocal style owes much to his sister Blanche’s vocal
experimentation as Mr. Shipton explains in his chapter Chicago
High Life 1927-1930:
“The time that Cab
and Blanche had spent together on the road with Plantation Days had given him an opportunity to learn many aspects
of stagecraft and presentation from her firsthand…. She was, according to Cab’s
grandson Christopher Calloway Brooks, who knew her in old age, "a truly
electrifying performer.” Her wild dancing and uninhibited singing were
undoubtedly a prototype for much of Cab s own act. She made a conscious break
with the tradition established by the classic blues singers such as Bessie
Smith or Ma Rainey who stood forward on-stage and sang over the footlights
directly at the audience, irrespective of whether they were being supported by
a pianist or a full pit orchestra. Instead, Blanche developed numbers in which she
interacted directly with members of her supporting band. Cab was later to do
this by encouraging his instrumentalists— and thereby his audience — to shout
back verbal responses in answer to his lyrics. The most famous example was to
be “Minnie the Moocher" but he also created routines in which he
alternated musical phrases with his sidemen such as "The Scat Song."
The immediate precedent for this was to be found in Blanche's act. In the
surviving early movies of Cab at work, we can no doubt see plenty of nuances
directly derived from her vocal and terpsichorean performances.” [p. 19]
Through a rapid
sequence of events, Cab climbed to the forefront of the New York entertainment world in 1931 after he began fronting the orchestra [then known as The Missourians] that would replace Duke
Ellington at the Cotton Club in uptown, Harlem. Interestingly, Irving Mills, Duke
Ellington’s manager would also become Cab’s manager after he began work at The
Cotton Club.
Mr. Shipton offers
this view of Cab’s rise to “fame and [relative] fortune” in his chapter
entitled Cotton Club Stomp, 1930-1931:
“The year 1931 saw
Cab using his base at the Cotton Club to begin his relentless climb to
national and then international stardom. Dressed in his white tie and tails,
his long straight hair ruffled into a prototype Beatle mop, and conducting
with an oversized baton, Cab Calloway crystallized his persona as an
entertainer at the club. An accurate impression of how he appeared at the time
can be seen in the 1934 movie Cab
Calloway's Hi-De-Ho, in which his act was filmed on a mock-up of the Cotton
Club stage. He holds the viewer's attention with effortless authority. Singing “Zaz
Zuh Zaz," his vocal gymnastics are matched by exaggerated gestures, and
between the vocalizing he moves spectacularly—running the gamut of jazz dance
devices from frenetic movement to slow-drag walking. Indeed his movements drew
on the entire lexicon of vernacular African American dance, with allusions to
nineteenth-century survivals such as buck and wing alongside comparatively
recent fads like the black bottom. His gestures and his vocals were designed to
bring his band — and thereby his audience — into the act as well, highlighting
the different sections of musicians, and encouraging them to shout or sing a
response to his words.
As he throws his
head back and projects his voice, displaying his distinctive perfect teeth, his
singing is marked by a complete lack of inhibition, and a freedom that matches
the finest jazz instrumentalists of the age. At twenty-six years old, when this
film was made, he had used his first three years of working regularly at the
Cotton Club to consolidate a stage personality that cut through racial and
class boundaries. It turned him into an entertainer who connected with all of
American society, not just the African American public who bought his discs, or
the well-heeled white pleasure seekers who defied the Depression and flocked to
Harlem to hear him in person.” [p. 50]
Some of the
insider dealings, trials and tribulations of staffing and traveling with a big
band in the 1930’s, particularly with an all-black big band, are graphically
detailed in Mr. Shipton’s chapter, Harlem
Fuss, 1931-1933:
"Cab was
making changes," recalled guitarist Danny Barker. "From 1931 he . . .
fired one Missourian of the original band at a time. Rumor says he fired them
because when he first joined the band they resented him. [It was] a process: to
break up a clique in a band. You get a clique in a band, that's trouble."
[p.54]
“It was well known
that some 1930s swing bands had influential inner cliques that dictated their
entire repertoire and policy, including decisions on who the featured soloists
would be, and who was to be marked out for promotion.” [p.55]
“In 1932, the
band’s work settled into a stable pattern. It would work at the Cotton Club for
several months on end, and then take off for one or two ten-week tours during the course of the year.”
[p.69]
One of these tours
involving stops at “resorts” in Maryland, Virginia and North Carolina broke down terribly.
As Mr. Shipton explains:
“Although Cab and most of his men had previously toured the South and Southwest
in some combination or another, it was a shock to return there after the high
life they had enjoyed in Manhattan. … Most of the musicians who made that
tour had stories of the privations the band endured. … In these adverse
conditions, Cab came into his own as a leader [helping to militate and mitigate
the unpleasant conditions]. … The result was that Cab forged a bond between
himself and his men.”
In his next
chapter Zaz Zuh Zaz, 1933-1934, Mr.
Shipton describes how Irving Mills became Cab’s new manager and sent the band
on a 1933-1934 European Tour [with mixed results], takes us with Cab on a
series of crisscrossing tours of the United States [On The Road Again,1934-37] during which Cab was to become a national
sensation and then moves on to provide in-depth descriptions of the time spent
on the Calloway Band by its two most famous Jazz soloists: tenor saxophonist
Chu Berry [Chuberry Jam 1937-39] and
trumpeter Dizzy Gillespie [Dizzy
Atmosphere 1939-1941].
All death is
dreadful and untimely, but what made tenor saxophonist Chu Berry’s even more so
was his relatively young age [33] when he lost his life in a car accident, his
closeness to everyone in the Calloway Band, especially to Cab, and the fact
that Chu’s brilliance as a musician was transforming Cab’s music into a
full-fledged Jazz Orchestra.
As Mr. Shipton
notes: “It was the tragic demise of one of the greatest saxophone talents in
Jazz, and also the man who had been a key element in the gradual reform of the
Calloway band, consolidating its position as a genuine Jazz orchestra at the
highest level.” [p.159].
Turning to Doc
Cheatham, Cab’s lead trumpet player for many years, Mr. Shipton goes on to
reinforce the view that by the early 1940’s the band was looking to reinforce
its Jazz credentials: “He [Cab] had to change the band, because he knew he
wouldn’t be able to scream for the rest of his life.” [Doc Cheatham, Guess
I’ll Go And Get The Papers, p. 46; Shipton, p.135].
During his first
decade in the business, Cab had always tried to maintain an excellent band with
fine soloists and imaginative arrangers and this was to become even more the
case in what Mr. Shipton describes as Cruisin’
with Cab, 1941-1948.
The irony for
Cab’s band is that the better it became artistically, what Mr. Shipton
describes as the “more assured and confident sound of the band,” the sadder it
was when this artistry was undermined by a variety of factors that came into
existence in the decade of the 1940s.
Of course the main
force at work during the first half of this decade was World War II. But domestically, Cab had to also contend
with many other pressures and stressors, all of which are ably described in
detail by Mr. Shipton. For example:
“This and the
other records made on July 27 were to be Cab's last commercial discs to be cut
until January 1945, owing to a long-running dispute between the AFM and the
record industry that began on August 1, 1942. In pursuit of a levy for
musicians to compensate them for the loss of sales incurred through the
proliferation of jukeboxes, the union forbade its members to record. The result
was an unintentional but seismic shift in the record industry in favor of
purely vocal records, because singers were not included in the ban. …
Cab, on the road
with his huge entourage, selling out theaters, and still able to broadcast with
the band over national radio networks, decided to stick with his existing
record contract and wait for a settlement. It did not suit him to make purely
vocal discs and abandon the show he had built up over so long, and which he was
managing to retain more or less intact despite the draft. As things turned out,
Columbia (one of Irving Mills's stable of labels)
was one of the last firms to settle with the union, and so in 1943-44, apart
from a handful of V-Discs made for American troops overseas, the band s only
commercial recordings were done for movie sound tracks. This fitted Irving
Mills's long-term strategy for Cab, which was to continue to build him into a
star who was never dependent on just one form of mass communication.
Consequently Mills started the process of introducing him socially to the
who's who of Hollywood with the aim of making him a crossover
film star, thereby repeating his success with both the white and black public
on radio, record, and stage. [p,164, Emphasis mine]
The result of
Mills’ strategy for Cab was that he would make a number of important films in
the 1940s including Cabin in the Sky,
Stormy Weather and Sensations of 1945
that would establish him as a film star. This stardom then made it possible for
Cab to crossover into other forms of entertainment when social and economic
factors following the end of WWII essentially put an end to most of the big
bands.
During this
period, Cab’s band would feature a new theme song, “Gerald Wilson’s modernistic
Cruisin’ With Cab,”along with a host of excellent Jazz
soloists including trumpeter Jonah Jones, tenor saxophonists Illinois Jacquet and Ike
Quebec bassist Milt Hinton and drummer Cozy Cole. The band played it last gig
in July, 1948 at the Roxy Theater in New York.
Jonah Jones
recalled what happened next:
“He cut the band
down to about seven pieces, me on trumpet, Keg Johnson on trombone, and two
saxes, Hilton Jefferson and Sam 'The Man" Taylor. There was Dave Rivera on piano, Milt Hinton on bass, and
Panama Francis on drums. That lasted for a while. Then he finally cut it down
to four pieces and I was the only horn in the band. . . . There were three
rhythm, and myself. . . . He was a wonderful director, he loved to direct, so
even with the quartet he was directing us. He still changed clothes all night.”
[p.182, Mr. Shipton’s 1995 interview with Jonah Jones]
Mr. Shipton’s Porgy, 1949-1970 opens with this description of the state
of the big bands by the early 1950’s:
“Cab was not alone
in facing the problems of maintaining a big band at the end of the 1940s. Of
the most famous African American leaders, a few managed to keep their full
orchestras afloat by rebalancing their repertoire. Duke Ellington, by
subsidizing the band from his royalties, largely avoided such compromises.
Lionel Hampton kept a smaller, but still sizable, band going by appealing to a
different public. He adopted rhythm and blues techniques of style and
presentation, which included Billy Mitchell playing the tenor saxophone on his
back and fellow tenorist Gene Morris dropping to his knees during his solos. By
contrast, Benny Carter was forced to dissolve his regular band in 1946. Despite
the unexpected death of its leader in 1947, the Jimmie Lunceford Orchestra
struggled on a bit longer, but folded at the end of the decade following Ed
Wilcox’s unsuccessful attempts to keep it going. ‘The Twentieth Century
Gabriel,’ trumpeter Erskine Hawkins, scaled back his big band gradually, ending
up with a quartet in 1953.
In January 1950,
Count Basie was forced by rising costs and diminishing bookings to cut his
regular touring group back to a septet. This small group became an octet when
Basie s long-term guitarist, Freddie Green, rehired himself, on the grounds
that he'd given so much of his life to the band he was in no mood to be fired.
Basics octet, with Clark Terry, Buddy DeFranco, and Wardell Gray among its
members, and Neal Hefti writing the charts, used considerable ingenuity to
compensate for the size of the band, and consequently made some of the best
music Basic ever recorded. These discs sit interestingly at a stylistic
crossroads between those made by his original Kansas City big band and the more forward-looking orchestra
he was to lead in the 1950s.
Unlike Basie’s,
the music that Cab recorded in 1949 is definitely not the most distinguished
part of his legacy. It both mirrors his depressed personal state of mind, and
also shows him searching for a new role as a popular entertainer. …”[pp,183-182].
Many of the
musicians who climbed off the band buses went to work in smaller combos that
played the Jazz club circuits; some formed into show bands that played cocktail
lounges and the Las Vegas casinos; some got “day gigs” and resorted to playing the
occasional weekend casual for weddings and private parties.
However, in the
1950’s and 60’s, those with good music reading skills initially found an
abundance of work in the movie and television studios in Los Angeles and the
Broadway theater and television studios of New York. In both cities, recording
commercials and jingles for radio also offered steady work, as did cutting [the
then new]long-playing albums as a recording orchestra contract player behind
pop hit singers like Patti Page, Perry Como and Rosemary Clooney.
The Broadway stage
was a very lucrative place to be when it was in vogue in the 1950’s and 1960’s
and, after scuffling for a few years, Cab was to put his marvelous skills as a
“crossover artist” on display there in productions of Porgy and Bess and Hello,
Dolly!. He also took his Sportin’ Life Porgy
and Bess characterization on the road in a one-man show that toured Great Britain.
As Mr. Shipton
observes of Cab at this point in his career:
“The years in Porgy and Bess had given him the
opportunity to develop a far richer and more flexible sound, which was to be
the hallmark of his mature years….” [p.205]
Cab’s career was
also helped along by television appearances on Person-to-Person with Edward R. Murrow and The Ed Sullivan Show and he gained a measure of financial security
from performing as the halftime act for The Harlem Globetrotters basketball
team which was then owned by Abe Saperstein whom he had known since the 1920s
“when Cab was learning his trade in Chicago.” [p. 207].
The final two
decades of Cab’s life are covered by Mr. Shipton in The Hi-De-Ho Man 1971-1994. During this period we find Cab
literally struggling to get out of the house and in front of an audience.
As Mr. Shipton
explains:
“Most of the
marriages that came out of the era of the old Galloway band, such as those of
Milt and Mona Hinton, Danny and Blue Lu Barker, or Dizzy and Lorraine
Gillespie, were similarly long lived, but all of them had a comparable element
of tension between the pull of the road (or the studios) and the hearth. Dizzy
always longed to be home, but as soon as he had been back in his New Jersey house for a couple of days, he was
planning his next escape, because as his road manager CharlesLake put it, "he didn't know what to do
with himself when he was at home for any length of time.”
Cab was much the
same.” [p. 213]
Cab’s creative
urges found expression in a variety of settings including made-for-movie
television episodes, a revival of the Broadway show The Pajama Game and a number of appearances at international Jazz
festivals.
Of Cab’s career
during this period, Mr. Shipton writes:
“His voice had
developed into a fine musical theater baritone, capable of projecting
forcefully into all but the largest of theaters, and his abilities as an actor
grew at the same time. Now—as he approached his seventies—he was standing
still artistically, and reverting to an ever-diminishing repertoire of his own
most famous songs, most of which he could probably sing in his sleep.”
[pp.219-220].
I doubt that many
of us would want to join a touring company at the age of seventy, but then,
none of us are Cab Calloway for that’s exactly what he did as described in the
following excerpt from Mr. Shipton’s book:
“When he reached
the age of seventy, he was fortunate that the growing vogue for African
American stage musicals came to his rescue, and found him a new platform for
his talents. In 1978 he joined the cast of the touring version of Bubbling Brown Sugar. The show was set
in various fictitious Harlem
nightclubs, and it was crafted by its author, Loften Mitchell, into a pacey
sequence of songs, dances, and comic turns in the manner of a Cotton Club
revue. Prior to Cab's arrival, the music contained in the show had altered
slightly as it ran through 766 performances on Broadway, according to the
talents of the available cast. Fundamentally, however, the repertoire was built
around songs associated with Cab, Duke Ellington, Count Basic, Fats Waller, and
Eubie Blake.” [p.220]
After sharing some
amusing stories about Cab’s role in the movie The Blues Brothers Mr. Shipton offers this description of the final
decade of Cab Calloway’s life as a performer:
“By the mid-1980s
a new pattern had emerged. Cab and his new band would tour the United States and Europe in the summer festival months, they would
take to the road again for short tours in the spring and fall, and he would
otherwise pick and choose between individual engagements. Some of these were
nostalgic, such as the memorial tribute to Ira Gershwin at the Gershwin Theater
in August 1983, in which Cab sang a poignant version of "It Ain't
Necessarily So," in memory of Porgy and Bess's lyricist. Others
were reunions with old friends, such as the all-star Songwriters' Guild event
in January 1984 at the Palace in Manhattan, where Cab starred opposite Peggy Lee.
Particularly in Europe, on his summer tours in the 1980s and
early 1990s, Cab's reception was terrific. This was not least because he was
one of the few really high-profile survivors of the Cotton Club days who was
still touring, and audiences hungered for an authentic link with the past.
Louis Armstrong had died in 1971, Duke Ellington in 1974, ….” [pp.226-227]
There was not to
be another decade as Cab Calloway died from complications of a stroke on November
18, 1994.”
Here are some thoughts
that Mr. Shipton puts forth as an assessment of Cab Calloway’s storied career:
“… there is a
wider legacy of Cab Calloway. Through his movie appearances in Stormy Weather
and The Blues Brothers, we can see him in his pomp, and in his mature prime. In
countless records, we can chart the extraordinary influence he had on jazz
singing. With the reissue on CD of virtually all his work, it is possible to
appreciate the sheer scale and consistency of his recorded achievement within
the world of jazz, let alone his additional musical theater discs of Porgy and
Bess and Hello, Dolly!
At a time when
only Louis Armstrong had managed to bridge the gap between African American
jazz and popular entertainment, Cab began by following in his footsteps and
surpassed him. From the clubs of Baltimore to the cabarets of 1920s Chicago, and on to the mob-run Cotton Club, Cab
ultimately transcended racial, class, and national boundaries. His music brought
the storytelling traditions of African Americans to a huge public through his
tales of Minnie and Smoky Joe, and his catchphrases became familiar the world
over to several generations from the 1930s to the 1990s. With his straight hair
and light complexion, he might have decided to pass for white, but he was
always, uncompromisingly, a black artist.
Not being an
instrumentalist like Armstrong, he initially achieved all this primarily as a
vocalist, heard across America as he hi-de-hoed from the Cotton Club. His
early triumphs like "St. Louis Blues," "St. James
Infirmary," "Nagasaki," and "Minnie the Moocher" brought call and
response to the forefront of everyday entertainment in the 1930s. But these
songs also set a template for the singers who would come afterward, from
jump-jive vocalists such as Louis Jordan to more surreal entertainers such as
Slim Gaillard, in whose work we find the early seeds of rap and hip-hop. In his
films and recordings with the Cabaliers he sowed the seeds for doo-wop, just as
pieces like "Calloway Boogie" looked forward to rhythm and blues.”
[p.223]
It has been said
that the unexamined life is not worth living and that the unlived life is not
worth examining.
Hi-De-Ho: The Life of Cab
Calloway offers the
best of both of these worlds: Mr. Shipton’s very thorough examination of a life
well-lived, that of one - Cabell Calloway [1907-1994].
Mr. Shipton’s
accomplishment with this biography of Cab can also be viewed as being in the
best tradition of what E.E. Carr suggested when he wrote: “The historian is an
inveterate simplifier. He tidies up the infinite variety of events in order to
make them intelligible.” [Times Literary
Supplement, June 3, 1977].
The book is fully
indexed, contains a bibliography and a listing of Cab Calloway’s recordings. Copies
can be ordered directly from Oxford University Press at www.oup.com.