Saturday, January 26, 2019

Art Blakey and Muscle Jazz

© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


“Art Blakey was one of jazz's staunchest advocates throughout his long life in the music. The little speech he would deliver at the end of every set may have sounded mawkish to some, but there was no doubting the sincerity of his commitment to its sentiments. For Blakey, jazz really was the greatest art form ever developed in America, delivered from the Creator through the musician to the people, and he was always happy to repeat what seemed to him the self-evident facts of the matter, as in this extract from an interview with this writer in 1987.


‘Jazz is just music, that's all. This is what we like to do, this is what we like to play. Charlie Parker, and Dizzy, and Monk, guys like that, they took the music to a higher level of performance, to the highest level of performance on a musical instrument, and it's spiritual music, where the audience have a part to play as well, they're not excluded from the music. The music comes from the Creator to the musicians, and the musicians play to the audience, they don't play down to them. You have to present something to the people, you can't just do anything.’


What Blakey presented to the people for the best part of nearly fifty productive years in music was the quintessential hard bop band, The Jazz Messengers. He built the band on a solid foundation acquired in the decades when swing transmuted into bebop, and persevered with the music through some barren years before seeing a resurgent interest during the last years of his life in the form he did so much to define.”
- Kenny Mathieson, Cookin’: Hard Bop and Soul Jazz, 1954-1965


“Cette confidence est la clé de toute l'œuvre d'Art. La force de la communauté noire, c'est sa foi. Jouer de la musique constituera donc toujours pour Art l'occasion d'affirmer cette foi. Le batteur se forgera ainsi une force intérieure inébranlable grâce à une vie spirituelle riche. Et cette vision du monde, qui marie la musique et la religion habitera le musicien tout au long de sa vie. C'est pourquoi il se considérera toujours comme porteur d'un message divin -lui n'étant qu'un modeste intermédiaire, une simple « porte battante » entre le monde terrestre et l'univers céleste.”


“This confidence is the key to the whole work of Art. The strength of the black community is its faith. Playing music will therefore always be an opportunity for Art to affirm this faith. The drummer will forge a unshakable inner strength through a rich spiritual life. And this vision of the world, which combines music and religion, will inhabit the musician throughout his life. That is why he will always regard himself as the bearer of a divine message - a modest intermediary, a simple "swinging door" between the earthly world and the heavenly universe.”
- Georges Paczynski, Une Histoire de la Batterie de Jazz


The young drummer never "trained." He made a virtue of being self-taught, often saying that study might inhibit natural responses to music, not an unusual attitude among instinctive players. Blakey confidently relied totally on his instincts. Intense and always curious, he learned the craft by listening to musicians in Pittsburgh and, later, was particularly attentive on the road and after he got to New York. …


“What Art Blakey did with all he learned from others is central to his story. How he shaped music and made it sing and swing grew out of his focus on accompaniment and support of a band and individual players. He didn't aspire to be a transcendental soloist, as many others did when he was coming along.


What pleased him most, early and later on, was that musicians asked for him — in clubs, concerts, and on record dates — because of what he could do for them and the music. Though he was more ego-driven after becoming widely known, Blakey was essentially an unselfish player—one who even asked his colleagues, particularly if they were new to him, what and how they wanted him to play.”
- Burt Korall, Drummin Men: The Heartbeat of Jazz - The Bebop Years:


“I hear an element of Art Blakey in almost every drummer. He remains a great influence to this day.”
- Rudy van Gelder, iconic recording engineer


Nobody has ever played Jazz drums like Art Blakey.


Power and passion were his bywords. He didn’t play the drums, he exploded them.  Every time he played a press roll, I thought the walls were going to cave in.


What he laid down on the drum kit sounded complicated, but it wasn’t. If you were a drummer, you didn’t study Art’s technique.  But, if you listened to him with your heart and mind open, you learned how to engage your emotions in the music and how to propel the swing that makes Jazz cook.


Art Blakey was all about RHYTHM.


Muscle Jazz would be an apt description for the style of Jazz that Art favored as he led his Jazz Messengers through a 35 year excursion of the World of Hard Bop.


Until his death in 1990, Art’s life revolved around two things: Jazz and his religious faith. He brought unremitting zeal and fervor to both.


“To go through life and miss this music - Jazz - would be like missing one of the greatest things about living.”


Art said this often and he led everyday of his musical life as a though it were a musical devotion.


Art Blakey, who was known to many as Abdullah Ibn Buhaina or simply as “Buhaina” or "Bu," remains synonymous with an open, deeply swinging, often searing form of modern jazz.


A small, wiry man, with enviable energy and a strong personality, he played and spoke authoritatively and with unusual freedom.


He was a compulsive storyteller and went on at great length about whatever concerned him, often embroidering the basic theme differently each time around — as he did in his playing.


Music was everything to Blakey. Like his friend and idol Kenny Clarke, he began to live only after he entered music. A native of Pittsburgh, sharing this derivation with Clarke, Billy Eckstine, Earl Hines, Roy Eldridge, Mary Lou Williams, and Dodo Marmarosa, among others, he served his musical apprenticeship in the industrial city, then moved into a wider, more demanding world.


Art was born in 1919. At thirteen, Blakey went on his own so he could help his foster mother. Employed in either the nearby coal mines or the fearsome local steel mills during the day, he played piano in clubs at night. Soon he turned to music full-time. The day jobs were dangerous and low-paying. The clubs were more pleasant: he loved being in the company of musicians, and the money was far better.


Blakey could play piano in a few keys, but he didn't know a quarter note from a baseball. He took his own band into the Ritz, a local club. His "ears" made it easy for him to deal with the music until a top act came in from New York with arrangements. Blakey tried every ruse possible while the band ran the charts down. But it was clear he couldn't do what had to be done.


Erroll Garner, a very young Pittsburgh pianist, was in the house. Even though he wasn't literate in a formal musical sense either, he had fantastic native ability. Immediately upon hearing the music, Garner played what was needed and took Blakey's spot. The club owner, a gangster, who carried extra authority in the form of an angry-looking automatic, said if Blakey wanted to stay, he would have to play drums. And that's how it all started. The year: 1934.


As Burt Korall explains in his seminal Drummin Men: The Heartbeat of Jazz - The Bebop Years: The young drummer never "trained." He made a virtue of being self-taught, often saying that study might inhibit natural responses to music, not an unusual attitude among instinctive players. Blakey confidently relied totally on his instincts. Intense and always curious, he learned the craft by listening to musicians in Pittsburgh and, later, was particularly attentive on the road and after he got to New York.


"Honey Boy" Minor, a local drummer whom many musicians from the area remember, provided valuable insight when it came to playing shows and reaching audiences.


The gifted Kenny Clarke was an inspiration to Blakey from his early days and from then on. Because they had many life and musical experiences in common and grew up in the same sort of economic and psychological circumstances, it wasn't entirely unexpected that their focus and interests as jazz musicians would be so similar.


The drummer who really got inside Blakey — and an entire generation of drummers — was Chick Webb. The centerpiece of his popular Harlem big band, he became a national figure with the help of his communicative singer Ella Fitzgerald before his death in 1939-


Blakey was close to Webb. He worked for him as an aide and valet, always watching, listening, paying close attention to what the drum king said and advised. Webb made it clear to the young drummer that concentration on developing his hands and conception was crucial. He advised Blakey to work on creating his own identity and strongly suggested he lighten up on show business tactics, even though Webb was a top-of-the-line showman.


Sid Catlett also had a major influence on what and how Blakey played. Ray Bauduc, the star of the Ben Pollack and Bob Crosby bands, caught his attention. He admired Bauduc's capacity to swing and what he did for a band. Duke Ellington's Sonny Greer was a factor in his development as well. The Ellington veteran had the sort of adaptability and discipline that Blakey sought to bring to his own playing.


“What Art Blakey did with all he learned from others is central to his story. How he shaped music and made it sing and swing grew out of his focus on accompaniment and support of a band and individual players. He didn't aspire to be a transcendental soloist, as many others did when he was coming along. What pleased him most, early and later on, was that musicians asked for him — in clubs, concerts, and on record dates — because of what he could do for them and the music. Though he was more ego-driven after becoming widely known, Blakey was essentially an unselfish player—one who even asked his colleagues, particularly if they were new to him, what and how they wanted him to play.”


Blakey caught on with the famed composer-arranger-bandleader Fletcher Henderson for the first time in 1939. The following year, he played with a small band headed by Mary Lou Williams, who, after leaving Pittsburgh, made a name as pianist-arranger with the Andy Kirk band. Williams brought Blakey to New York for the first time in 1940. The group played at Kelly's Stable.


Blakey was in and out of the Henderson band until shortly before he joined Billy Eckstine in 1944. During a Henderson tour of the South in the early 1940s, the drummer was involved in a racial incident in Albany, Georgia. A local policeman beat him brutally about the head with a truncheon. The concussion and other injuries stemming from this unprovoked attack made major surgery necessary. A steel plate was placed in Blakey's head.


The drummer left the Henderson band to spend a period of time in Boston with his own group of musicians, playing at the Tic Toe Club and the Ken Club. It was during this interval—late in the spring of 1944—that he was asked to join the Billy Eckstine band at the Plantation Club in St. Louis.

Eckstine and Dizzy Gillespie had the most to do with the concept of the band and who the players would be. Shadow Wilson was Eckstine's first choice for the drum chair. They had been in the Earl Hines band together. Wilson was hired; he made some of the first Eckstine band records for Deluxe. Then he was caught in the draft.


In the first week or two of June 1944 when the band played its initial dates, Eckstine had drummer trouble, big time. Gillespie suggested Blakey, feeling he could solve the band's problems. The drummer had certain basic capacities that appealed to the trumpeter-musical director. Though he hadn't heard him, Eckstine hired Blakey for three basic reasons. He'd been strongly recommended by Gillespie, someone Eckstine respected enormously. The drummer had spent a considerable amount of time with a big band and knew how to handle himself in that context. And Art Blakey was from Eckstine's hometown.


Once again, Blakey learned on the job. Not on intimate terms with the new music, he opened himself to what was happening around him. He became familiar with the twists and turns and initially puzzling sounds and rhythms of bebop. Blakey took risks and made some mistakes. Before long, the sturdy drummer hit his stride. He had the ability to hear and make adjustments, to meet the music head on, involving himself in its demands and possibilities.


Dizzy Gillespie, Blakey's mentor and teacher, brought him around; the often humorous trumpeter could be a stern taskmaster. Gillespie told the drummer what and when to play things and why. Often he would jump up and move over to the drums and sing phrases and rhythms to Blakey.
There is a well-documented story that makes the point best. When Blakey joined the Eckstine band and was just beginning to find his way he arbitrarily inserted a shuffle rhythm into one of the arrangements. Gillespie berated him in front of an audience, as the band continued to play and the dancers moved around the floor. He made it clear that Cozy Cole would have been hired had the band wanted that sort of rhythm.


The meticulous Gillespie did all he could to extract from the young drummer what he knew was there. He encouraged Blakey to play his own responses to the music. And that's what Blakey did. But it wasn't as easy as it seemed from the audience.


The drummer played his way through difficulties. As he noted numerous times in interviews, there was so much happening in the band. Everything moved by so rapidly. Blakey was in the middle of a musical thunderstorm. He had to be a quick study to survive. Fortunately he was a good listener and a fast learner.


The Eckstine band was like a school, filled with high-level, ambitious students, all trying to go in the same direction, all seeking to live up to what they heard around them. Working in the company of such luminaries as Gillespie and Parker, Dexter Gordon and Gene Ammons, Freddie Webster, Fats Navarro, and Miles Davis—for a little while—made for constant pressure and musical challenges.


The recordings do little to mirror the band's impact. The sound is dreadful; the recording studio must have been small and underwater. But the band's loose yet imperious swing and power and the creativity of the players gets through. The Armed Forces Radio broadcasts are a far superior source. You realize how wild, exciting, and inventive this exploratory ensemble could be. In person, it was a killer experience.


Blakey was making a modern statement in a big band—in the process revealing a raw, sometimes frightening talent for modern jazz. Burt Koral: “When I saw and heard him for the first time, I was bewildered, as were several others with training on drums. For those of us who were used to hearing the beat sharply enunciated with little or no embroidery—and we certainly were in the majority in the mid-i940s—Blakey could be infuriating. His vibrating left hand and heavy, active right foot made the beat a bit elusive.
Moreover, he could be terribly sloppy. He moved awkwardly, was lacking in grace. But what came out was often impressive—even if you didn't immediately know why.”


The music was different. Certainly the racial attitudes of the players in the Eckstine band had little in common with what was typical of their older predecessors on the black band scene. Blakey told Cadence editor Bob Rusch: "It was a young band and they weren't going for nothin.' Everybody ... was armed. . . . The war brought about changes."


Though the players were untamed and loved a good time, they were very serious about what they were doing and had to toe the line.


There also was humor and humanity in the hand. Jazz historian and New York radio personality Phil Schaap says: "The guys took pity on Blakey because he had a terrible, ragged-looking drum set. One day they called him into a room and torched his drums as a joke. But in the corner was a brand-new Slingerland kit that they had bought for him."


Blakey felt that the Eckstine band was one of the key experiences of a life filled with great music. The public made the band a going proposition for a while. Young ladies were drawn to Mr. B.'s cavernous baritone voice and film star handsomeness. But the music, beyond what Eckstine sang, could be a bit much for the general audience. The music press had little good to say. "Later journalists and critics described the band as legendary, marvelous," Eckstine told Burt Korall, adding: "While we were trying to make it, they gave us almost no help."


Not only that, the band didn't get the breaks that are so necessary for success. The records were so badly done. The band had few, if any, hotel or location dates with air time — nightly coast-to-coast broadcasts crucial to widely disseminating its message, giving the band an edge. Engagements at New York's Lincoln Hotel, then a base for the Basic band, were promised but never finalized. Places of that stature, which featured coast-to-coast remote broadcasts, could have given Eckstine what he needed. But the Eckstine band had no luck. It offered too much too soon for an audience used to the uniformity of Swing Era bands. Even after all this time, the Eckstine music remains memorable and exciting. It's easy to understand why the visionary bandleader was so bitter about how things turned out.


Like the others in the band, Blakey was a witness and contributor to history. The records document a central, contemporary jazz drum style taking form. Crucial to the feel of the band, Blakey played unforgiving, feelgood pulsation. Tapping out the time on his Chinese cymbal he really cut through to the marrow of the matter. Beyond a vivid, basic foundation, he also consistently offered telling evidence of the potency of his ideas.


Blakey made all the "hits"—the key ensemble accents—backing the band strongly. He shaped and sharpened the configuration of the arrangements. "Bombs"—snare/bass drum combinations—were potently placed. He generally enhanced the impact and interest of the music by deftly employing rhythmic counterpoint, double-timing, triplets, and rolls. A variety of colors enriched the thrusting, undeniable pulse.


Try Gerry Valentine's "Blowing the Blues Away," with "Mr. Dexter" Gordon and "Mr. Gene" Ammons riding a crest stirred up by Blakey. Also "I Stay in the Mood for You," a bluesy ballad featuring Eckstine up front singing, the fizz of boppy trumpet lines—certainly written by Gillespie—and a Dizzy solo.


Even on the slower things, showcasing Eckstine, Blakey keeps you awake and alert, waiting for his next combination of sounds to take you by surprise.
Following the dissolution of the Eckstine band, Blakey made sure the feeling and sound he had lived with for three years would not entirely disappear from his life—at least for a little while. A big band, the 17 Messengers, was formed. Blakey insisted big band experience was important to musicians, because it provided education on several levels and what he often described as "a family atmosphere."


Fats Navarro, Miles Davis, Kenny Dorham, and the Heath Brothers— Jimmy and Percy—were among those involved. Thelonious Monk wrote some material for the ensemble and showed up at rehearsals—generally at Smalls' Paradise in Harlem—to run the band through his compositions. The Messengers rehearsed a good deal but played only a few gigs.


Blakey always said that his association with Thelonious Monk was so very important for his development—as a man and as a musician. "He was responsible for me," the drummer often asserted. The two were very close
friends and saw each other another almost every day. They talked and played together. Monk's son remembers the two being inseparable.

Thelonious Monk, Jr.: “Art was always at the house. His face was the second male face that became familiar to me at the beginning of my life. He was making most of the records with Thelonious. I would see him everywhere— on record dates, on the handstand, at his house and mine.


A quintessential character, he had that rough voice and always was talking a lot of stuff—about this, that, and the other—talking loud, really sounding like the leader of the pack.


When I became a drummer. I learned how to swing from Art Blakey.”




Blakey plays two basic roles: time player and interpreter-commentator. He adds both reason and the unexpected to the music. Using all the elements of the set, snare, tom-toms, the bass drum, the rims, the drums' shells, the cymbals—all parts—the hi-hat cymbals and hi-hat stands, and even the sounds of the drumsticks themselves, he simultaneously defines Monk and himself.


More than almost any other musician, Monk calls on Blakey's capacity for subtlety, thoughtfulness, quiet creativity. You might think this would be a stretch for a generally "bashing" player like Blakey. But it's not.


The trio recordings Blakey made with Monk for Prestige in 1952. and 1954 show how well he could do what was needed. He plays responsively and responsibly. Blakey shows to best advantage on Work, a thirty-two-bar structure. He paints in pastels but remains an underlying rhythmic presence and source of light, provoking accentuation and left-hand commentary.


His solo is one of his best. A triplet figure establishes direction. Derived from a pattern he plays behind Monk before he breaks into the open, it is variated and cleverly developed. His comments emerge out of the music itself, not any form of preconception.


Over a chorus and a half, Blakey builds upon the triplet idea, complicating matters as he goes along, changing the solo's balance and density. The resulting multilayered commentary derives its personality from the rhythms acting on one another and being skillfully linked. Blakey's juggling and juxtaposition of rhythms and his admirable architectural sense make this forty-eight bars interesting to listen to again and again. His mastery of "independence"—the use of hands and feet, each with its own rhythm or rhythms—makes for new levels of interest. There is no speed or flash involved, just unfolding, naturally rendered music—from the drums.


The pairing of Monk with Blakey and his Jazz Messengers in the late 1950s—Johnny Griffin (tenor sax), Bill Hardman (trumpet), and Spanky DeBrest (bass)—Art Blakey's Jazz Messengers With Thelonious Monk (Atlantic), is also certainly worth attention. The two friends, more outgoing and competitive than usual, meet on a middle ground between the straight-from-the-hip swinging of the Messengers and the unorthodoxy of Monk. The balance is tipped by Monk's compositions, comprising five sixths of the album, and, of course, his piano playing.


The milieu motivates more diverse improvisations by Hardman. The speedy Griffin, who later played regularly with Monk, shows he's a very engaging, adaptable player. Rather than fighting it, as some do, Griffin follows where it leads, entering into the developmental process. Blakey clearly finds the situation stimulating. The drummer digs into his seemingly endless resources, using whatever keeps the music interesting and moving. Cross-stick rhythms, imaginative use of triplets, rumbling explosions, and his general intimacy with the mysteries of Monk, help define and redefine the music.


Blakey proved on many occasions that he could be surprisingly effective when performing quietly, in an almost modest manner. The trio recordings he made with the now legendary pianist-composer Herbie Nichols on Blue Note in 1955 are a case in point. In the listening lies the realization that Blakey's fire could burn at a low flame. He could infiltrate the music, remaining at moderate volume, with delightful, light-handed decoration adding impact.


Blakey allows Nichols's music to speak to him on its own terms. He reacts in much the same way he did to Monk and other artists who have a base in tradition but veer to the thoughtful and unusual. He seeks to I establish firm rhythmic grounding while tracking the music's form, its emotion, its implicit and explicit demands. He utilizes an open, reactive, instinctive approach. Blakey plays for Nichols and his music, showing little ego, staying away from the excessive and unnecessary.


I also suggest the recording the drummer made with Gil Evans in the late 1950s, New Bottle, Old Wine (World Pacific). An intensely personal orchestral album, featuring alto saxophonist Julian "Cannonball" Adderley and other leading jazzmen, it offers more evidence of Blakey's flexibility, discretion, and perception as a player.


No matter what the Evans arrangements of well-known jazz compositions — "King Porter Stomp," "Lester Leaps In," "Manteca," etc.—ask of him, Blakey responds in a manner that strengthens the material. He reads nothing and senses everything, as has always been the case. In essence, Blakey allows the punishment to fit the crime, never sacrificing his own voice, only lowering it a bit. He mixes well with the other instruments, sometimes almost disappearing in the blend.


When Blakey worked with the Duke Ellington (1952) and Lucky Millinder bands (1949) and others, he did the job that was called for. He became part of the sound and the setting. With Ellington, he played what he called "Ellington drums," laying down the rhythm, coloring and swinging, doing what Ellington wanted and needed. And that wasn't An Blakey playing bebop.


With Millinder, the drummer mixed up a batch of cooking, updated Harlem swing. The ebullient Harlem bandleader and showman, though not trained as a musician, knew what he wanted. And Blakey gave it to him. With Illinois Jacquet's swinging little band, with Charlie Parker at the Three Deuces on 52nd Street—both in the 1940s—and later as a member of Earl Hines's small band, very typically, Blakey did what was needed and expected in each situation.


Blakey learned early that each context has its own set of rules. Because he came up during the Depression, when you took every job to survive, he became a bit of a pragmatist. Never, however, would he make sacrifices purely for commercial reasons. His evolution as a musician was far too important to him.


Blakey went through a startling growth phase during the years separating the breakup of the Eckstine band and the formation of the Jazz Messengers as an ongoing group in 1955. A lot happened to him, not all of it related to music. He converted to Islam, as did many black musicians during that period. The reasons for this vary and in some cases are a matter of speculation. Some found the religion an escape from blackness, racism, and all that reminded of slavery. Others sought and found peace in the faith— another view of the world. French Jazz drumming historian Georges Paczynski suggests that Art’s conversion to Islam became a source for confidence in all aspects of his life.


Blakey lived in Africa for a period late in the 1940s. His goal was to study Islam and fully understand religions as they related to him. Many journalists insisted he made the trip to find out more about African music, drums, and rhythm. However, he consistently disputed this view. His investigatory stay in Africa had a philosophical focus rather than a musical one.


During this time and extending through the 1950s, Blakey involved himself with all kinds of music and musicians. As early as the latter years of the 19405, he began looking into African and Latin root sources, absorbing rhythms and techniques essential to the two intersecting musical streams. His interest in techniques of Latin and African derivation progressively became a factor in his playing.


According to Ray Barretto: “No other drummer came as close to the African and Latin root as Blakey. I did a couple of records with him, with Sabu on bongos ami timbales and some other people. Art talked a lot about his Latin and African influences. They became more and more a part of him. Every time he played "fours" or "eights," something African or "Latinesque" inevitably would flavor his comments. He was really empathetic with all that rhythm.”


This became unmistakable on record in 1948. Blakey was an integral part of saxophonist James Moody's recording for Blue Note, James Moody and His Bop Men, which also featured several outstanding gentlemen out of the Dizzy Gillespie big band, including the influential bongo/conga drummer Chano Pozo. Out of the sessions came a Latin/jazz fusion success, Tin Tin Deo.


Blakey had a flair for juggling a variety of musical elements and making them collectively work for him, His tom-tom playing, the way he used his elbow to change a drum's sound, and his timbale and cowbell techniques, as applied to jazz, all grew out of his burgeoning Afro-Latin interests.


Blakey's feeling for Afro-Latin music motivated him to make other cross-culture recordings, including Orgy in Rhythm, Vols. 1 and 2 (Blue Note). Informing, often exciting music, it featured accomplished Afro-Latin and jazz musicians pooling their concepts. In the diverse lineup were Art Blakey and Arthur Taylor, drums; Jo Jones and "Specs" Wright, drums and timpani; Sabu, bongos and timbales; "Potato" Valdez and Jose Valiente, congas; Ubaldo Nito, timbales; Evilio Quintero, concerro, maracas, and tree log; Herbie Mann, flute, Ray Bryant, piano; and Wendell Marshall, bass.


"Buhaina called me just as I was opening the door to my apartment, here in town. I'd just had a long, difficult flight from Europe," Arthur Taylor remembered. "Get yourself down here to my session, I need you!" Blakey insisted. "A.T." complained he was too fatigued for a record date. Blakey wouldn't give way.


Taylor took his tired body and his drums to Manhattan Towers, where the session was going on. "Everyone felt good; there was food, drink, and beautiful ladies around," Taylor said, then noted: "The music and the musicians got everyone going."


Cross-culture musical activities aside, something far more basic and significant was happening to Blakey's playing. Trace his recordings from 1947 into the 19505. You sense the change. Listen to The Thin Man, recorded in 1947 for Blue Note with an octet out of his big band. Compare that with what Blakey does on the MGM records, done in 1952. with leader-clarinetist Buddy DeFranco, pianist Kenny Drew, and the omnipresent bassist Curly Russell. Then audition the glorious live 1954 Blue Note sessions at Birdland, with Clifford Brown, Lou Donaldson, Horace Silver, and, once again, Curly Russell. A new, far more effective and exciting Blakey had emerged.


The newfound intensity and surge relate directly to one singular technique: closing the hi-hat briskly on "2" and "4" of every 4/4 measure. This may sound simplistic, but the effect was momentous. It stabilized, centered, and sharpened Blakey's time; enhanced, integrated, and brought a sense of style and finality to his work. It was the key that unlocked everything.


Buddy DeFranco: “We were together for two and a half years in the early 1950s—recorded many albums, traveled around the world. My little band was really hot. With Art back there, you couldn't coast. I never played harder—and it was so enjoyable


Art was in charge of the rhythm. No doubt about it. When I was tired before a job, I'd say something like ‘I don't think I can make it tonight.’  Art would say: ‘I'll make you play!’ And he did—every time.


It was a happy group, I was the only white guy. None of us thought much about it. In our world, a guy played or didn't play. That's all that was important. We traveled together, stayed together.”


The 1954 Birdland recordings on Blue Note provided the stylistic foundation for the rest of Art Blakey's career. His style had completely crystallized. His pulsation was undeniable, a natural force; the counter-rhythms he brought to the mix made what he played that much more affecting. There was a purity about what he did—and always motion. He was spontaneous, free, creating every minute.


That he was in the company of peers, all performing in an admirable manner, had a lot to do with making this "on-the-spot" session such an important musical document. The band never stops burning. The exhilarating Clifford Brown moves undaunted through material, fast, slow, in between, playing fantastic, well-phrased ideas that unfold in an unbroken stream. His technique, almost perfect; his sound, burnished. He's a gift to the senses.


Lou Donaldson, an underrated alto player in the Bird tradition, offers much to think about while you're tapping your foot. Horace Silver is crucial to the effect of this music, much of it his own. Certainly the rhythms that inform his piano playing and writing make it all the more soulful. On this and other records he serves as a catalytic agent, provoking swing and engaging intensity. Hard-hitting, unpretentious, communicative, Silver has little use for compositional elements or piano techniques that impede his message. A live-in pulse permeates his music and his playing, strongly affecting the shape, content, and level of excitement of his performances and those of his colleagues.


An original and tellingly economic amalgam of Parker, the blues, shuffling dance rhythms, and a taste of the black church for flavor, Silver is quite undeniable. Listen to his delightful "Quicksilver" on A Night at Birdland With the Art Blakey Quintet, Vol. 1 (Blue Note). It capsulizes what he does.
On this album, Curly Russell shows once again he can play "up" tempos and interesting changes. He ties in well with Blakey. But Silver and Blakey, in combination, determine the rhythmic disposition of the music. Blakey's natural time and fire raise the heat to an explosive level before the listener realizes how hot the fire has become.


Perhaps more than other recordings Blakey has made, the Birdland session documents his great strengths and technical failings. At almost every turn, he shows what an enviably well coordinated, buoyantly confident, rhythmically discerning player he is.


As a soloist, he's either breathtaking in the manner of his mentor Chick Webb, as on "Mayreh," or a victim of inconsistency. And it's always under the same circumstances. In the hope of achieving great speed he over-taxes his technical capacities and fails. You hear him stiffening up and becoming increasingly less precise. He was not a virtuoso.


The Jazz Messengers, the band that made Blakey an internationally admired jazz figure, came into being in 1954.


Horace Silver was playing at Minton's in Harlem. Blue Note's Alfred Lion wanted to get Silver in the studio to make follow-up recordings to his successful trio releases. It was decided to present the pianist-composer as a group leader. Two members of his Minton's quartet—tenor saxophonist Hank Mobley and bassist Doug Watkins—and trumpeter Kenny Dorham and Blakey made the sessions. The resulting album, Horace Silver and the jazz Messengers, was a great success.


It was timely and seemed to answer a need. The music and the performances had the directness and simplicity, the straight-ahead quality, that countered a suggestion of compositional pretension that was becoming a factor on the jazz scene in the mid-1950s.


This LP established what was to follow. The band played hard swinging music, mingled with what Silver described as a "gutbucket, barroom feeling." It reached into bebop, the blues, and sounds, rhythms, and feelings out of the black evangelical churches. The music had an earthy taste and more than a suggestion of black reality.


Blakey and Silver were into essences. The band emphasized directness and economy. The music was called "hard bop." I'm not sure the descriptive is appropriate, but it did give comfort to those who market records and are obsessively involved with categories.


After a while, the band as a co-op didn't work. Silver felt a band should bvea "leader," someone to make the decisions and give direction. He left the group to freelance; there was no bad feeling involved. A little later Silver put together his own band, which was pretty much in the same groove as the hand he had left behind. Blakey took the Jazz Messengers name and hired his own people. He remained the leader and central force of the Jazz Messengers until his death in 1990.


Silver and Blakey created a centrist position for jazz. Both had strong feelings about swing and communication and audience participation. Their band had a "sound." It was black music that brought forward emotion in no uncertain terms. Open and, at times, unrelenting, the music had more to it than was immediately apparent. It had substance, freedom, discipline, ind soul, a proud quality and a deeply historic center. The ballads, articularly treatments of the great American standards, were thoughtful and lyrical —
meditative qualities not generally associated with either Blakey or Silver.


Blakey wanted organization in his band, discipline beyond the looseness of the jam session. He determined his answer was "music," compositions lat would give the Messengers a foundation from which all would develop. Over the years, he retained "musical directors" and utilized writers within the band who could do this for him. He hired musicians—generally young, talented, and hungry who had the wherewithal to make the music meaningful, The only specification he made to the writers involved: that the music retain a base in swing.


The Jazz Messengers, either a quintet or sextet—two or three horns in the front line and three rhythms—became a school for aspiring players. Blakey was the master teacher.


The list of those who attended the school over three and half decades is imposing indeed. So many leading players: Johnny Griffin, Freddie Hubbard, Jackie McLean, Lee Morgan, Curtis Fuller, Bobby Timmons, Wayne Shorter, Wallace Roney, Benny Golson, Bobby Watson, Wilbur Ware, Hank Mobley, Billy Harper, Doug Watkins, Joanne Brackeen, Gary Bartz, Reggie Workman, Cedar Walton, Ira Sullivan, Terence Blanchard, Wynton and Branford Marsalis, Billy Pierce, Sam Dockery, Spanky DeBrest, Donald Harrison, James Williams. It goes on and on.


The style and goals of the Messengers remained consistent through the group's long history. Improvisation gave the band life and variety. Certain writers and musical directors altered or enhanced things without affecting its identity. Benny Golson contributed discipline and a great deal of melodic writing. Wayne Shorter developed rapidly and brought a new depth to the
band, as a writer and as a player. Lee Morgan, Freddie Hubbard, Cedar Walton, Bobby Watson, and the others gave what they had to the music.


Any way you turn it, the Messengers was Art Blakey's band. Any time you heard the group, no matter what edition, you knew who and what you were listening to. As drummer Cindy Blackman commented to Burt Korall: "Art was tribal. He'd get you one way or the other. Before you knew it, that volcanic pulse was into your feet, your whole body. His comping, his solos, his fantastic time did it for me and everyone else. He'd just draw you in!"


Blakey played until the last shot was fired. Deaf, ill, it didn't matter. There was only one thing he knew—and loved. A preacher for the jazz cause, a teacher of young people, an innovator and great player, he fulfilled his mission.


For all the marvelous things Blakey did for music and musicians, he, like many others of his generation, was deeply into drugs. One writer friend of mine said he "handled it" very well. Some say he eventually put it aside. Considering his stature among young musicians, how influential he became as a respected source and a role model, the Blakey involvement with drugs seems a paradox. But remember where he came from—his link with the turbulent, revolutionary 1940s and the plague it spawned. It is best to keep in mind his good works and how creatively he played.


Art Blakey brought new muscle and meaning to the modern drum style. He played with such concentration and acuity that the beat entered your system through pores opened by excitement. He seemed to be everywhere as the music told its story.


Sweeping through his large catalogue of recordings, as leader and as sideman—with equals like Miles Davis and Sonny Rollins—he seldom fails to satisfy. He very personally reacted to the music and made it better just because he was there and knew his job.


Proud, self-involved, but also kind, Blakey could be generous and supportive to a musician who deserved encouragement. This is an important part of his legacy.


[The editorial staff at JazzProfiles is indebted to the following source for information about Art: [1] the drummer world website, [2] Modern Drummer magazine, [3] Kenny Mathieson, Cookin’: Hard Bop and Soul Jazz, 1954-1965, [4] Burt Korall, Drummin’ Men: The Heartbeat of Jazz – The Bebop Years, [5] Georges Paczynski Une Historie De La Batterie De Jazz and Downbeat magazine, [6] JAZZ IMPROV Magazine Vol. 4 No. 3 with a feature article on Art Blakey and 2 CDs].



Friday, January 25, 2019

Part 2 - Lullaby of Gangland by Fredric Dannen

© -  Steven A. Cerra - copyright protected; all rights reserved.

"An entertaining collection of anecdotes about an uproariously unsavory subculture of egomaniacs, sybarites, goniffs, and music lovers... Mr. Dannen has a knack for the telling quote and a healthy appetite for the juicy story."
—ROBERT CHRISTGAU, THE NEW YORK TIMES BOOK REVIEW

"Anyone with more than a passing interest in the inner workings of the [music] industry will be enthralled by the juicy tales [Dannen] has to tell." —THE NEW YORK TIMES

"A knowing and unsentimental glimpse into the inner workings of the music business... Dannen got the inside story, and he got it right."
—LOS ANGELES TIMES BOOK REVIEW

“A sobering, blunt and unusually well-observed depiction of the sometimes sordid inner working of the music business.”
-BILLBOARD
Almost since its inception, Jazz has had a long association with the criminal underworld and its vices.
Bars, Gin Joints, Speakeasies, private parties, hotel and casino lounges - wherever “live” Jazz was performed, there usually was a corollary with some form of gangland activity.
Not surprisingly then, when Jazz made its way into the recording studio, the record business, and the world of music publishing, not surprisingly, the organized crime did, too.
While “Hit records,” per se, are fairly rare in the Jazz lexicon, the substrata and substructures connected with the record and music publishing business that author Fredric Dannen describes in the following “Lullaby of Gangland” chapter were also very commonplace in many phases of the Jazz World in general.

And while the number of “hit records” from the Jazz idiom might pale in comparison with those from popular music and rock ‘n roll, the corruption associated with funding radio airplay the later certainly played a role in curtailing what opportunities there were to feature Jazz on the air as the following dialogue will no doubt confirm.

"Do you think without payola that a lot of this so-called junk music, rock and roll stuff, which appeals to teenagers would not be played?" one congressman demanded of a disc jockey.

"Never get on the air," came the solemn reply.

Copiously researched and documented, Fredric Dannen’s Hit Men [New York: Vintage, 1991] is a highly controversial portrait of the pop music industry in all its wild, ruthless glory: the insatiable greed and ambition; the enormous egos; the fierce struggles for profits and power; the vendettas, rivalries, shakedowns, and payoffs. Chronicling the evolution of America's largest music labels from the Tin Pan Alley days to the present day, Fredric Dannen examines in depth the often venal, sometimes illegal dealings among the assorted hustlers and kingpins who rule over this multi-billion-dollar business.

Lullaby of Gangland - Part 2


"Payola" is a word the record industry has bestowed on the English language. The term's familiarity has led to a common perception — unfortunately true — that the business is full of sharpies and opportunists and crooks. But as crimes go, payola is no big deal if the government's enforcement effort is an indication. After Freed's commercial bribery bust in I960 and congressional hearings on payola the same year, Congress passed a statute making payola a misdemeanor offense punishable by a maximum fine of $10,000 and one year in prison. To date, no one has ever served a day in jail on payola charges. The law is hardly a strong deterrent. [The FCC weakened the statute even further in 1979 by ruling that “social exchanges between friends are not payola.” This loophole makes the statute virtually unenforceable.]

Worse, the 1960 statute unwittingly laid the groundwork for the "new" payola of the Network. Because disc jockeys had proven so easy to bribe in the fifties, the selection of records at a station was passed to the higher level of program director. This meant, of course, that a bribe-giver needed to seduce only one person rather than several to have a station locked up.

Even the commercial bribery laws were fairly toothless; Morris Levy was probably right when he said that Freed would have beaten the charges had he been less belligerent. The legions of radio people and record executives called before the congressional payola hearings of 1960 made a mockery of the law's ambiguity. Unless it could be shown that they took money to play specific records, there was no illegality. So no one disputed receiving cash and gifts, just what the boodle was for. It magically turned into thank-you money. Thanks for giving my little ol' record a spin, pal—even though I never asked you to.

The men who presided over the hearings were not bowled over by the logic of this explanation. It drove some of them to sarcasm. One congressman demanded of a record executive, "Is it not a fact that these payments were payola up until the time that this investigation started? Then suddenly they became appreciation payments or listening fees or something else?"

Rock historians like to gripe that the hearings were an attack on rock and roll. Maybe they were. But the congressmen heard expert testimony that payola could be traced back at least to 1947, when the record business began to take off. It even existed in the Big Band era. "It was customary for the song plugger to walk up to a [band leader] and slip him an envelope with some money in it," one witness testified. No doubt some politicians believed that were it not for payola, radio would be playing Frank Sinatra and Dinah Shore instead of Screamin' Jay Hawkins. "Do you think without payola that a lot of this so-called junk music, rock and roll stuff, which appeals to teenagers would not be played?" one congressman demanded of a disc jockey. "Never get on the air," came the solemn reply.

The committee called to the stand a Boston disc jockey named Joe Smith. He wasn't much at the time, but Smith would go on to become the president of three big labels: Warner Bros., Elektra/ Asylum, and, in 1986, Capitol-EMI. Smith never showed much talent for business—in his last two years at Elektra, the once-booming label lost $27 million—but he sure was funny. He turned up on daises year after year as the industry's favorite roastmaster, its Don Rickles. (He once introduced Seymour Stein, president of Sire Records, as "the man who is to the record industry what surfing is to the state of Kansas.") In 1960 it was Joe Smith who got roasted, by Representative Walter Rogers of Texas.

Rogers: Well now, you got a note that says "thank you" and it had a check with it for $175. . . .

Smith: I accepted it as a gift, and why they sent it to me, I cannot tell you, sir. . . .

Rogers:    Did you report it as earned income?

Smith:     Yes, sir.

Rogers: If it was a gift, you did not have to report it as income. The government owes you some money. ...
Smith: Sir, I want no more truck with the government after today, I assure you, sir.

Smith was small potatoes, however. The committee was more interested in Richard Wagstaff Clark, better known as Dick Clark, the host of ABC-TV's American Bandstand. It was impossible not to compare him with Alan Freed, if only because both men played a seminal role in bringing rock music to white teenagers. Since Freed's last radio job in New York was at WABC, he and Dick Clark had worked for the same parent company. However, as one congressman pointed out to Clark, "ABC fired him and retained you."
Dick Clark and Alan Freed were different sorts. Freed was rumpled, loud, and a drunkard. Clark was the All-American Boy.

In fact, ABC picked Clark for Bandstand in 1956 because of his clean image; a drunk driving charge had forced the resignation of the original host. But if you placed their outside interests side by side, Clark and Freed began to look more alike. Clark had a piece of so many companies that could profit from his television program—thirty-three in all—that the committee had to draw a diagram to keep track of them. He had interests in music publishers, record-pressing plants, and an artist-management firm. He had equity in three Philadelphia record companies. He had a third of a toy company that made a stuffed cat with a 45 rpm (the "Platter-Puss"). George Goldner gave him copyrights. Coronation Music assigned him the rights to "Sixteen Candles," a rock classic. He managed Duane Eddy and played his songs endlessly on Bandstand. He accepted a fur coat, necklace, and ring for his wife. He invested $175 in one record label and made back more than $30,000.
In the end, the committee chairman pronounced Clark "a fine young man." He was allowed to divest his companies and walk away. By the eighties, Dick Clark was still host of American Bandstand, as well as The $25,000 Pyramid, and TV's Bloopers and Practical jokes. He owned one of the biggest independent production companies in Hollywood. He had a Rolls-Royce, a Mercedes, a Jaguar, and a house in Malibu. Forbes put his net worth at $180 million.

Morris Levy, for his part, was not asked to testify before Congress. One hot topic of the 1960 hearings concerned Roulette Records, however. The previous May a disc jockey convention was held at the Americana Hotel in Miami Beach, drawing over two thousand industry people. The biggest event was an all-night barbecue hosted by Roulette, featuring Count Basie. Roulette spent more than $15,000 on the bash, half of it for bourbon (two thousand bottles' worth, according to hotel ledger books). Basie started swinging at midnight and didn't stop until dawn, at which point Roulette served breakfast. The event became known as the three B's, for bar, barbecue, and breakfast. A Miami News headline on May 31, 1959, read FOR DEEJAYS: BABES, BOOZE AND BRIBES.


Morris was not a man deterred by stern laws, let alone feeble ones like the payola statute. His contempt for authority had begun as a child. When he recorded Frankie Lymon's "I'm Not a Juvenile Delinquent"—and substituted his name for Lymon's as author—there was irony at play, because he was a juvenile delinquent. All his frustration exploded in one incident at school — an event, he later said, that "changed my whole life."

"I was very bright. I could get an 'A' in any subject I wanted to, without working at it. I really could. Read a history book at the beginning of the term, take the test, and get an 'A.'

"But I had this one teacher, she had no business teaching school. Miss Clare. We had her for homeroom. Must have been seventy-five years old, never got fucked in her life, probably. And she hated me. One day she gave us a math test, and everybody failed it very bad, except for me and another person. She says to the class, you're not gonna do homeroom this period, you're gonna do math because of the poor showing. So my hand shot right up, and I says. What about those who passed the test? She looks at me and says, Levy, you're a troublemaker. I'm gonna get you out of this classroom if I have to take your family off home relief.

"And I got up — I was a big kid — took her wig off her head, poured an inkwell on her bald head, and put her wig back on her fucking head. Walked out of school and said, Fuck school. Never really went back to school after that there. I was sentenced for eight years to [reform school] by the children's court. And when we got the [welfare] check on the first of the month, I used to mail it back to the state, or the city, or whoever the fuck it was. That's what a teacher can do to you. This bitch had no fucking humanity."

Miss Clare had said the wrong thing. Morris was painfully embarrassed to be on Board of Child Welfare, though he was more than eligible. His father and oldest brother had died of pneumonia when he was a baby. After his middle brother, Irving, joined the navy, he lived alone with his mother in a Bronx tenement. She worked as a house cleaner and suffered from high blood pressure, diabetes, and lockjaw so severe that her front teeth had to be knocked out so she could take food. "Every sickness in the world just came at once on this lady," Morris sighed.

Morris made up for his childhood poverty but never shook the law of the street and the arrogance it entailed. He saw nothing wrong, for example, in putting his name on other people's songs so that he could get writer's as well as publisher's royalties. When Ritchie Cordell wrote "It's Only Love" for Tommy James and the Shondells, Roulette's biggest act of the sixties, "Morris," he said, "gave me back the demo bent in half and told me if his name wasn't on it, the song didn't come out."

Morris was not alone in believing this was his right. "He's entitled to everything," said Hy Weiss, who grew up with Morris in the East Bronx and became a fellow rock and roll pioneer as founder of the Old Town label. "What were these bums off the street?" Nor did Weiss see anything wrong with the practice of giving an artist a Cadillac instead of his royalties. "So what, that's what they wanted. You had to have credit to buy the Cadillac."

No performer, however big, was sacrosanct to Morris Levy. John Lennon found this out. Lennon's last album with the Beatles, Abbey Road, included his song "Come Together," which sounded similar to Chuck Berry's "You Can't Catch Me," a Levy copyright. Morris sued, but backed off when Lennon proposed a settlement. His next solo album would be a compendium of oldies, including three songs Levy owned. Recording began in late 1973, but the project stalled. Morris interpreted the delay as a breach of settlement. He had dinner with Lennon, who promised to complete the oldies album. Morris let Lennon rehearse at Sunnyview, his farm in upstate New York, and took him and his eleven-year-old son, Julian, to Disney World. He asked Lennon if he could borrow the unedited tape of the songs he intended for the album —just for listening. Morris then released the songs as a TV mailorder album, Roots. More litigation followed, but Lennon prevailed, and Roots was withdrawn.

Morris is also listed with Frankie Lymon as author of the hit "Why Do Fools Fall in Love?" and other songs he did not write. Sued for back royalties in 1984 by Lymon's widow, Emira Eagle, Morris was pressed to explain under oath how he helped write the tune. "You get together, you get a beat going, and you put the music and words together," he testified. "I think I would be misleading you if I said I wrote songs, per se, like Chopin."

Whether or not Morris took advantage of artists, he never allowed others to take advantage of him. "If you screw him," said one former friend, "he'll always get revenge." Morris was known to administer his own brand of frontier justice. "Given where we came from," said Hy Weiss, "we were capable of a lot of things." For his part, Weiss claimed he once hung a man out a window to settle a business dispute. Another time, Weiss said, he and Morris drove to Rockaway, New York, with a baseball bat, "to bust up a plant that was bootlegging us."

Morris could become violent if provoked, as he demonstrated on the night of February 26, 1975. He, Father Louis Gigante (the Chin's brother, a Bronx priest), Roulette employee Nathan McCalla, and a woman friend of Levy's, identified as Chrissie, were leaving Jimmy Weston's, a Manhattan jazz club. Three strangers approached Chrissie, and one made a flirtatious remark. Morris took offense, and a fight ensued. Two of the men turned out to be plainclothes police detectives. McCalla held the hands of Lieutenant Charles Heinz while Morris punched him in the face, costing him his left eye. Morris and McCalla were indicted for assault, but the case was inexplicably dropped before coming to trial. Heinz brought a civil suit, which was settled out of court. "Morris told me, Louie, I didn't know the cop was hurt," Father Gigante said, years later. "I just fought him."

Nate McCalla was commonly thought to have been Morris's "enforcer" until he disappeared in the late seventies. He was found murdered in 1980. A former army paratrooper, McCalla stood over 6' and weighed 250 pounds. Morris was so fond of Nate that he gave him his own record label, Calla, which recorded soul singers Bettye Lavette and J. J. Jackson. Morris also gave him a music publishing company that McCalla, a black man from Harlem, called JAMF — for Jive-Ass Mother Fucker.

"If I was going to describe Nate, I'd recall the song 'Bad, Bad Leroy Brown,' " said an attorney who did legal work for McCalla. "He had hands like baseball gloves. But he was as gentle as a Great Dane." Most of the time, that is. Once, in the mid-seventies, McCalla went to Skippy White's, a record store in Boston, to collect a delinquent debt. Said an eyewitness, "Nate had a medieval mace and chain, and was slinging it against his hand. He said, 'Where's the boss?' The boss immediately wrote a check."

Though it is not known why McCalla was killed, Washington, D.C., homicide detectives think they have some clues. In 1977 a rock concert was held at the Take It Easy Ranch on Maryland's eastern shore. The concert was sponsored by Washington disc jockey Bob "Nighthawk" Terry, but law officers believe the Genovese family had a financial interest. According to a police report, tickets were counterfeited by two men, Theodore Brown and Howard McNair, and the concert lost money. Brown and McNair were shot dead. Terry vanished, and his body has never been found. McCalla, who was traced to the scene of the concert by the FBI, disappeared soon afterward.

In 1980 McCalla turned up in a rented house in Fort Lauderdale, dead of a gunshot wound in the back of his head, which had literally exploded. Police found him slumped in a lounge chair in front of a switched-on television. The rear door was ajar and keys were in the lock. McCalla had been dead for at least a week and was badly decomposed, a process that had accelerated because someone had sealed the windows and turned on the heater. No suspects were apprehended. Just before the murder, a neighbor saw a bearded, heavyset white stranger pull up to McCalla's house in a Blazer truck. Beyond which, deponent knoweth not.


On October 29, 197?, the music division of the United Jewish Appeal feted Morris Levy as man of the year. The testimonial banquet was held at the New York Hilton, and thirteen hundred people turned out to shower love on the man they knew as Moishe. The crowd was a Who's Who of the record business. The guests dined on sliced steak and listened to the bands of Harry James and Tito Puente. They sang "Hatikvah" and "The Star-Spangled Banner." There was dancing. A row of saxophonists did synchronized swan dips; a soprano warbled "I Don't Want to Walk Without You, Baby." Speeches were made. "This man is beautiful," gushed UJA official Herb Goldfarb, introducing Morris. Father Gigante hugged Morris and described him as "a diamond in the rough." There was more music. A calf wearing a garland of flowers was wheeled onto the dance floor in a wooden crib. It began to moo plaintively.

"Jesus Christ!" It was Joe Smith, the former disc jockey from Boston who had become the industry's favorite emcee. He was then head of Elektra Records. "I'm the president of a big record company. I'm supposed to follow a cow, for Christ's sake. The priest [Gigante] comes on with that mi corazon crap, and now I gotta follow a cow, too."

Morris had personally requested that Smith do the roasting. Smith looked out over the dais he was to introduce and saw most of the surviving characters of Morris's generation and a few of their widows.

"The thought of coming up to honor Morris Levy," Smith began, "and to introduce and say something complimentary about this crowd up here tonight, is the most difficult assignment I've ever faced. , . . They have different styles, they have different personalities, they have different approaches to the business. But two things all of these ladies and gentlemen on the dais have in common: They cheated everybody every time they could. And they are the biggest pain in the ass people to be around. ... I would tell you that with this group of cutthroats on this dais, every one of you would be safer in Central Park tonight than you are in the ballroom of the Hilton Hotel."

This got a tremendous laugh, but Smith seemed dismayed.

"Morris is not laughing too hard," he said, "so I think I'll move onward and not stay into that too long."

"Bye, Joey!" cried a voice from the dais.

"That's it, huh?" Smith replied. "I said either tonight I'm a hit, or tomorrow morning, I get hit, one or the other."

"You asked for it!"

Smith turned his attention to Hy Weiss, Morris's old neighborhood pal, who was in the back row. "Sorry about the seating arrangements," he said. "Hymie was assigned not to the table, but to room 328, where he's gonna line up the hookers for the party afterwards." There was laughter and applause. "I must tell you that Hymie Weiss, in addition to being a leader in the record business, invented the famous fifty-dollar handshake with disc jockeys. And, as always, tonight he said hello and gave me fifty. And I told him, I haven't been on the air for fifteen years, for Christ's sake."

(Weiss never denied the "handshake"; he was proud of it. He later bragged, "I was the payola king of New York. Payola was the greatest thing in the world. You didn't have to go out to dinner with someone and kiss their ass. Just pay them, here's the money, play the record, f*** you")

Smith continued introducing the dais. "Art Talmadge is the president of Musicor. Began his career with Mercury Records in 1947, where he learned to skim cash, moved on to [United Artists], where he did it good to them. They found out where the leak was. . . .

"Now, one of the biggies enters in here. Cy Leslie, chairman of the board of Pickwick. Great rip-off organization. It'll repackage this dinner tonight and sell it.

"Another representative of a great tradition and a name in the industry is Elliot Blaine. ... He and his brother Jerry . . . formed Cosnat Distributing and Jubilee Records back in 1947 and introduced the four bookkeeping system—with four separate sets of books. . . . And it took those guys ten years to find out they were screwing each other, with the distributing and Jubilee. . . .

"Mike Stewart, president of United Artists Records, a former actor — bad actor. Found four dummies from Canada, the Four Lads, milked them for everything they were worth. And he now sits with a big house in Beverly Hills, and they're working an Italian wedding in the Village tonight. ..."

Smith saved Morris for last. "I take this opportunity to extend my own personal best wishes to Moishe, a man I've known for many years, admired, and enjoyed. And I just got word from two of his friends on the West Coast that my wife and two children have been released!"

The laughter was uproarious.

In 1988, fifteen years after the UJA dinner, Moishe Levy was convicted on two counts of conspiracy to commit extortion. The music industry did not turn its back on him. Before his sentencing, Morris requested and received testimonial letters from the heads of the six largest record companies to present to his parole board and the presiding judge, Stanley Brotman. Bruce Repetto, the assistant U.S. Attorney from Newark who had nailed Morris, countered the letters with allegations, not brought out at the trial itself, that Roulette had been a way station for heroin trafficking. Brotman overlooked the drug allegations but still gave Morris ten years.

The case had begun innocently enough. In 1984 MCA decided to unload 4.7 million cutouts—discontinued albums—including past hits by Elton John, the Who, Neil Diamond, and Olivia Newton-John. Morris had been, in his day, the biggest-ever wholesaler of cutouts. MCA asked $1.25 million for the shipment, which came to sixty trailer-truckloads. Morris signed the purchase order and helped arrange for the records to go to John LaMonte, who was in the cutout business with a company called Out of the Past, based in Philadelphia. LaMonte, incidentally, was a convicted record counterfeiter.

On the surface, it looked like a simple deal, but it wasn't. A number of alleged mafiosi, including Morris's old pal Gaetano "the Big Guy" Vastola, all converged on the deal, expecting to make a "whack-up," or killing, of in some cases a hundred grand apiece. So they said, anyway, in conversations secretly monitored by the FBI. It was never clear how they would have made this whack-up, since the deal went sour. And when it did, violence and an extortion plot followed.

Though a roughneck with no evident musical ability, Vastola had a number of years' experience in the music business. This was due in part to his association with Morris. Back in the fifties, Vastola often hung around Alan Freed's office at the Brill Building, possibly keeping an eye on him for Morris. Vastola managed a few early rock groups, including the Cleftones, and apparently had an interest in Frankie Lymon and the Teenagers. And he was an owner of Queens Booking, a big agency mostly for black acts in the sixties. One Queens Booking client whom Vastola also set up with a horse farm was Sammy Davis, Jr.

Under normal circumstances, Morris's dealings with Vastola might never have come to the attention of the FBI. But he was unlucky. Other members of Vastola's crew got involved with drugs and gambling, and the FBI won court approval to eavesdrop on the suspects' conversations. As the reels started turning on FBI tape recorders, the U.S. Attorney's Office in Newark grew curious about this MCA cutout deal.

Morris was also unlucky in the choice of John LaMonte to receive the cutouts. LaMonte turned out to be a deadbeat. His refusal to pay Morris back for the records — he said they were all schlock and not the ones he ordered — ruined everybody's plans. There would be no whack-up at all unless LaMonte could be persuaded to pay.

Vastola, who had joined Morris in picking LaMonte to get the records, was furious.

"Moishe, Moishe," the FBI heard him say, "you knew this guy was a c***sucker before you made the deal, didn't you?"

"That's right," Morris agreed.

"Why did you make the deal with him?"

Because, Morris explained, he had believed LaMonte was "a controllable ***ksucker."
Vastola, the man who "could tear a human being apart with his hands," was beginning to sweat. Evidently, he had to answer to higher powers in the mob hierarchy. On the phone with his cousin Sonny Brocco, a fellow conspirator, he fretted about "what they're doing to me . . . including the Chin."

He saw only one way out. "Sonny," Vastola said, "I don't like the way this thing is going with this kid [LaMonte], I'm telling you now. . . . I'm gonna put him in a f**kin' hospital. I'm not even going to talk to him. I don't like this motherf**ker, what he's doing. ... I mean, what are they making, a a**hole out of me, or what?"

Morris was angry, too. "Go out to that place, take over the kid's business," he proposed.

"I'm ready to go over there and break his a**," Vastola said.

On May 18, 1985, Vastola confronted LaMonte in the parking lot of a New Jersey motel and punched him in the face. LaMonte's left eye socket was fractured in three places, and his face had to be reconstructed with wire. True to his word, the Big Guy had put him in the hospital.

But LaMonte still would not pay.

Relations between Morris and Vastola became strained. The two men and another conspirator, Lew Saka, met at Roulette Records on September 23, 1985, to try to sort out the mess they were in. FBI video cameras and bugs preserved the meeting for posterity.

Saka, for one, could not believe LaMonte's nerve. "He still has the balls not to come up with the money like he was supposed to," Saka clucked. "He busted his jaw, he broke it. ..."

Morris was convinced that LaMonte would not pay because he had a side deal with Vastola's cousin. Sonny Brocco.

"As far as I'm concerned," Morris said, "the one that f**ked us with him is Sonny Brocco. I say that flat out, too. What do you think of that? Because he was the one who sat in that f**king chair at the first f**king meeting last year, looking to him what to say. And that's the first time this kid [LaMonte] ever got up on his a** and got enough nerve to even talk back."

"Sonny Brocco's dying," Vastola said.

"F**k him!" Morris said.

"I went to see him at the hospital in isolation."

"What's he done, nice things for people, Sonny Brocco?" Morris demanded.
"A lot of people are dying. Let me tell you something about me. If a guy's a c**ksucker in his life, when he dies he don't become a saint."

Matters went downhill from there, and Morris finally felt it necessary to call a mediator. The man he phoned was Dominick "Baldy Dom" Canterino, the Chin's chauffeur and right-hand man.

"I'm sorry to do this to you, pal," Morris said.

Vastola began to muse aloud about the prospect of jail. He had done time twice already — for extortion. It seemed to be one of his sidelines.

"We're gonna wind up in the joint," Vastola said. "Me, I know definitely."
"I'm hotter than all of youse," Morris replied. "They'd love to get me. You know that." The government had been after him, he said, for twenty-five years.

When he arrived and took his place at the meeting, Baldy Dom was treated with deference. He listened to Vastola and Levy relate their problems with John LaMonte and then asked the obvious question: "Who gave him the records?"

There was a pause.

"The original deal?" said Morris.

"Yeah," said Canterino.

Somehow it seemed prudent to blame alleged West Coast mob figure Sal Pisello, yet another party to the transaction.

"The original deal was finally closed with Sal and him," Morris said. "Sal closed the deal with him. The deal was blown up and I said f**k it all. . . ."

"He says get rid of it," Vastola nodded.

"Sal closed the deal," Morris repeated.

"Right," agreed Lew Saka.

"Sal closed the deal with him and now we all have to live with it," Morris said. "The truth's the truth. Sal did close the deal with him."

Despite such blatantly incriminating conversations, Morris had been predicting for over a year that he would win his case. He seemed genuinely shocked to have lost it. It had been his plan, after he was acquitted, to sell Roulette and his farm and move to Australia. He remained free on bail, pending an appeal he would ultimately lose, and became gravely ill with cancer of the liver. In the meantime, he did sell all his music holdings, at long last, for more than $55 million.

"The music business was a beautiful business," he said, adding that he, Morris Levy, was the last of a breed. "The government will finish burying me off. The government don't like the mavericks and impresarios. It used to be Horatio Alger stories, now they want no-talent bums. Stick your head up above the crowd, you get it chopped off."

Morris may have been right about the government "burying" him: He died on May 21, 1990, never having served a day of his sentence. But he was wrong about being the last of a breed. If the label bosses of today are not quite as intimidating as he was, it isn't for lack of trying. Morris's more genteel contemporaries of the fifties, whose careers preceded rock and roll, are the real vanished race. When Morris formed Roulette, for example, a man of dignity and charm named Goddard Lieberson was in command of CBS Records. He was not a Damon Runyon character, not even remotely. Though his legacy would be felt at CBS Records well into the Yetnikoff era, his approach to the business would not.”